Tag Archives: Traffic Congestion

Transportation

Recognize All HOT Lanes as Fixed Guideways for Transit

Our recommendations for reforming surface transportation policy have been so well received that we want to offer two more ideas. Our latest recommendation focuses on high occupancy toll (HOT) lanes that reduce congestion and provide a virtual guideway for express bus service. My colleague Robert Poole and I recommend that the federal statute be changed so that the Federal Transit Administration (FTA) counts all high occupancy toll (HOT) lanes count as “fixed guideway miles.”

Federal transit policy recognizes that an HOV lane converted to a variably tolled HOT lane provides buses with a “virtually exclusive guideway,” since variable pricing permits buses and cars to travel uncongested even during peak periods. Such HOT lane miles are counted toward a metro area’s total of “fixed guideway miles” for funding purposes, if used by transit buses. But the Federal Transit Administration withholds this designation for HOT lanes added as new capacity, even though such lanes function identically to those converted from HOV lanes. Region-wide BRT/express bus service will be fostered by creating seamless HOT networks. But a large fraction of such networks will be new capacity, since most freeways do not have HOV lanes to convert.

Changing the policy will require two modifications. First, revise the definition of “fixed guideway miles” to include all HOT lanes, whether HOV conversions or new capacity. This would acknowledge the functional identity of priced lanes as virtual fixed guideways, regardless of how they came about. Second, permit transit agencies to use New Starts and Small Starts grant funds to pay for a portion of new-capacity HOT lanes, based on the projected share of passenger miles of travel that will be generated by bus service on the new-capacity HOT lane.

This change would provide travel options and improve express bus service in the U.S. Very few state DOTs or transit agencies can afford to develop bus-only lanes on freeways, since the vast majority of their capacity would be unused even during peak periods. HOV lanes are frequently over-used, providing little or no time-saving advantage for express-bus service. HOT lanes are a proven way to use all the capacity of a specialized lane, with buses and paying vehicles both benefiting from congestion management via variable pricing. Current FTA policy artificially distinguishes between HOT lanes based on how they came about, thereby discouraging creation of seamless networks that require construction of new lanes. Under the second part of this policy, transit agencies could partner with a toll agency or state DOT to jointly develop new HOT/BRT lanes, sharing in any net toll revenues (after covering capital/debt-service and operating costs) in proportion to the agency’s contribution to the capital costs of the project. Thus, in addition to helping create the network of virtually exclusive bus lanes, the transit agency would receive part of any net toll revenue as an additional ongoing source of revenue.

This change would not cost taxpayers a dime, since it would merely create new options to encourage HOT/BRT lanes and networks. It would give transit agencies and highway agencies a new incentive to work together creating HOT/BRT networks, a highly cost-effective way to increase transit infrastructure.

Transportation

Metro Transportation Plans Lack Transparency

Today, I want to offer the third of my recommendations to reform U.S. surface transportation policy. I request that Metropolitan Planning Organizations (MPOs) analyze their long-range transportation plans’ ability to reduce congestion.

Under federal law, MPOs are required to create Long Range Transportation Plans every four years (if deemed in non-attainment) or every five years otherwise, outlining their planned transportation investments and their reasons for making those investments. Some plans forecast that horizon-year congestion will be less if the plan is implemented compared with the no-build case, but in nearly all cases, future congestion (with the plan) will be greater — often significantly greater — than in the baseline year (today). Yet that fact is seldom made clear to citizens and taxpayers.

Requiring Long Range Transportation Plans to directly compare congestion levels in the horizon year with congestion levels in the baseline year, will allow citizens and taxpayers to judge whether or not the plan focuses enough effort on congestion reduction to ameliorate the situation.

According to the latest Urban Mobility Report from the Texas A&M Transportation Institute, traffic congestion in America’s 101 urbanized areas costs motorists $121 billion per year in wasted time and fuel. Most MPOs’ Long Range Plans give lip service to reducing congestion, but very few actually target their investments in such a way as to credibly project that 20 years of investment will yield less congestion than in the initial (baseline) year of the plan. If they make any comparison at all, most plans compare congestion after the plan’s implementation with what it would be under the no-build alternative. The models used to produce these plans do generate the information needed to compare horizon-year congestion with baseline-year congestion, but this comparison is almost never included. Citizens and taxpayers are led to believe that because congestion with the plan is marginally better than congestion under the no-build alternative, the plan is the best that can be accomplished. Yet most plans could do far more to reduce congestion if they focused their resources on the problem. The Urban Mobility Report shows that urbanized areas that have this focus can actually achieve significant reductions.

This requirement could provide substantial mobility improvements at a very small cost. To the extent that this motivates MPOs to focus more resources on actual congestion reduction, there will be traffic flow improvements, time-savings, reduced fuel use and reduced emissions. The cost of making this change in the planning process will be very low, since most MPOs already generate the needed information as part of their transportation modeling.

Transportation

Metropolitan Planning Organization Long Range Plans Should Focus on Mobility

All metropolitan areas around the country are required to draft a long-range transportation plan. Congress mandated long-range plans when it passed the Intermodal Surface Transportation Equity Act (ISTEA) of 1991. Congress’ intent was for metropolitan areas to plan for the regional movement of people and goods.

Unfortunately, many of today’s regional transportation plans include all sets of non-measurable goals that have nothing to do with transportation. Parts of the planning process have been captured by special interests that are seeking to use transportation funds for non-transportation purposes. Let’s examine one of the more “realistic” plans — Los Angeles — in more detail.

The planning framework is one of the biggest problems. Past plans would focus on quantitative goals to improve mobility such as decreasing the travel time from Los Angeles to Anaheim by five minutes or increasing transit service coverage to 50 percent of the region. But the 2012 plan focuses on “feel-good” goals centered on what political leaders want Los Angeles to become. Further, the plan deemphasizes mobility and congestion relief to focus more on Livability, Prosperity and Sustainability.

Predictably, this lack of focus does little to reduce congestion. Despite spending one half a trillion dollars over the next 20 years, truck delay on freeways is expected to worsen significantly. Truck delay on arterials will also deteriorate significantly. Both freeways and arterials are expected to remain at least as congested as today. The only relief will be in high occupancy vehicle lanes, where congestion will decrease slightly.

Worse, there will be 30 freeway segments where average speeds are less than 15 miles per hour during afternoon rush hour. These slow segments are not just a roadway problem but a transit problem as well. Since many of these freeways lack HOV lanes or express toll lanes, transit buses and vanpools are stuck in the same congested travel as everyone else.

The next problem is state mandates. California SB 375, in particular, makes congestion worse. The bill — The Sustainable Communities Act — sets regional targets for greenhouse gas uses. Yet, most scientists calculate that California has already met the 2025 standards set in the bill. Today’s vehicle fleet generates 98 percent fewer hydrocarbons, 96 percent less carbon monoxide and 90 percent fewer nitrous oxides than vehicles 30 years ago.

The biggest problem may be the region’s funding or lack thereof. SCAG estimates that the L.A. region has $305 billion in current revenue. However, $119 billion of this is local sales tax revenue that is subject to major swings based on the economy. $33 billion of this total is federal funding. Since federal government transportation funding relies on declining fuel tax revenue and general fund bailouts there is no guarantee federal funding will remain consistent after two years time, let alone 20 years. Finally, SCAG is counting on $220 million in new revenue. The assumption that any new revenue sources will be approved is questionable.

So how do we reform the planning process? First, transportation planning should be reformed so the primary goal is mobility. To the extent that environmental issues are real, they can be incorporated into the plan. But they should not unrealistically constrain development. Finally, plans should be required to be fiscally realistic without the need for unrealistically large new revenues.

 

Transportation

The Importance of Reducing Congestion by Spotlighting One Intersection

Creating a redundant transportation system is crucial to reducing congestion and improving mobility. One of the most important projects in the Atlanta metro area is the reconstruction of the I-285/SR 400 intersection, identified for years as one of the top transportation projects in Georgia. I-285 and SR 400 are the two freeways which provide access to the Perimeter business area, home to the largest concentration of jobs in the Southeast U.S.

The Georgia Department of Transportation (GDOT) has wanted to fix this interchange for years but has lacked the resources. The interchange and collector distributor ramps on SR 400 (totaling a combined $700+ million dollars) were on the 1% transportation special purpose local option sales tax list in 2012. While the interchange had near unanimous support, other projects on the list were controversial causing the tax to fail. However, GDOT still needed to fix the interchange and because of worsening congestion in metro Atlanta it decided to add collector-distributor lanes in addition to the SR 400 ramps. This brought the total cost to $950 billion.

To fund the project the state is going to sell $130 million in bonds, use $81.5 million in gas tax revenue and use a design-build-finance approach with builder contributions to supplement other sources.

But not everybody is happy. Atlanta Urbanist has created a list of bogus reasons to oppose the project.

First, the article claims that the interchange is something Atlanta does not need because new lanes lead to induced demand. But the interchange reconstruction project is not building new lanes; it is rebuilding a functionally obsolete interchange. Second, induced demand is only created when new non-priced lanes are added to growing areas. GDOT has an official policy, adopted in 2007, of adding only priced lanes to Atlanta freeways. The agency is planning on adding priced lanes to both corridors but the variable pricing will prevent induced demand.

Second, the article claims that Georgia has a pedestrian death rate 25% above the national average. This high rate is a problem but we have no idea what is causing the rate without researching the cause. Atlanta Urbanist wants to spend the $950 million on pedestrian improvements. The problem with this logic is that GDOT is using federal gas tax money collected from drivers and intended to be used on highways. Since this money comes from drivers it is only fair it is used on highways. Also, this federal funding is supposed to be used for interstate purposes. There are a large number of vehicles on I-285 and SR 400 from other states such as Florida and North Carolina. I doubt many folks in the metro Atlanta area walked here from another state.

Third, metro Atlanta has a growing senior population and we need ways to better serve them including transit. I agree that Atlanta’s transit service is insufficient. But with most rail lines costing in excess of $2 billion, this is not enough funding to pay for a full line. The interchange rebuild that allows the addition of variably priced lanes will also provide a free virtual guideway for buses and vanpools. In fact, thanks to using managed lanes as a guideway, Atlanta could build and operate a comprehensive bus system for less than a third of the cost of building a comprehensive light rail system. Further, new technology such as the development of automated vehicles may allow seniors to drive longer. While such vehicles are not yet available, they will be in the future.

The I-285-SR 400 interchange project is the biggest bottleneck in the metro Atlanta area. Regardless of what anyone claims, rebuilding the interchange will do more to improve mobility than any other transportation project in Georgia.

Energy, Land Issues, Property Issues

Smart Growth and Livability: The Road to More Intense Air Pollution and Traffic Congestion

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Population Density and Air Pollution: For years, regional transportation plans, public officials, and urban planners have been seeking to densify urban areas, using strategies referred to as “smart growth” or “livability.” They have claimed that densifying urban areas would lead to lower levels of air pollution, principally because it is believed to reduce travel by car. In fact, however, EPA data show that higher population densities are strongly associated with higher levels of automobile travel and more concentrated air pollution emissions.

This is illustrated by county-level data for nitrogen oxides (NOx) emissions, which is an important contributor to ozone formation. This analysis includes the more than 425 counties in the nation’s major metropolitan areas (those with more than 1 million in population).

Seven of the 10 counties with the highest NOx emissions concentration (annual tons per square mile) in major metropolitan areas are also among the top 10 in population density (2008). New York County (Manhattan) has by far the most intense NOx emissions and is also by far the most dense. Manhattan also has the highest concentration of emissions for the other criteria air pollutants, such as carbon monoxide, particulates, and volatile organic compounds (2002 data). New York City’s other three most urban counties (Bronx, Kings, and Queens) are more dense than any county in the nation outside Manhattan, and all are among the top 10 in NOx emission density.

Traffic and Air Pollution: More concentrated traffic also leads to greater traffic congestion and more intense air pollution. The data for traffic concentration is similar to population density.[7] Manhattan has by far the greatest miles of road travel per square mile of any county. Again, seven of the 10 counties with the greatest density of traffic are also among the 10 with the highest population densities. As in the case of NOx emissions, the other three highly urbanized New York City counties are also among the top 10 in the density of motor vehicle travel.

There is a significant increase in the concentration of both NOx emissions and motor vehicle travel in each higher category of population density. For example, the counties with more than 20,000 people per square mile have NOx emission concentrations 14 times those of the average county in these metropolitan areas, and motor vehicle travel is 22 times the average. All of this is consistent with research by the Sierra Club and a model derived from that research by ICLEI–Local Governments for Sustainability, both strong supporters of densification, show that traffic volumes increase with density.

Public Health: These data strongly indicate that the densification strategies associated with smart growth and livability are likely to worsen the concentration of both NOx emissions and motor vehicle travel. But there is a more important impact. A principal reason for regulating air pollution from highway vehicles is to minimize public health risks. Any public policy that tends to increase air pollution intensities will work against the very purpose of air pollution regulation—better public health. The American Heart Association found that air pollution levels vary significantly in urban areas and that people who live close to highly congested roadways are exposed to greater health risks. The EPA also notes that NOx emissions are higher near busy roadways. The bottom line is that—all things being equal—higher population density, more intense traffic congestion, and higher concentrations of air pollution go together.

All of this could have serious consequences as the EPA expands the strength of its misguided regulations. For example, officials in the Tampa–St. Petersburg area have expressed concern that the metropolitan area will not meet the new standards, and they have proposed densification as a solution, consistent with the misleading conventional wisdom. The reality is that this is likely to make things worse, not better. Officials there and elsewhere need to be aware of how densification worsens air pollution intensity and health risks and actually defeats efforts to meet federal standards.

Growth That Makes Areas Less Livable:
There are myriad difficulties with smart growth and livability policies, including their association with higher housing prices, a higher cost of living, muted economic growth, and decreased mobility and access to jobs in metropolitan areas. As the EPA data show, the densification policies of smart growth and livability also make air pollution worse for people at risk, while increasing traffic congestion.

Additional details will be found at Wendell Cox, ” Population Density, Traffic Density and Nitrogen Oxides (NOx) Emission Air Pollution Density in Major Metropolitan Areas of the United States,” http://www.demographia.com/db-countynox.pdf.

This article is adapted from a Heritage Foundation web memo (http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2011/09/how-smart-growth-and-livability-intensify-air-pollution)